"Man is born free and everywhere he is in chains." is the epitome of the ideology called individualism. It comes from Rousseau's 1762 The Social Contract. This thread will examine the link between the two individualism and social contract, which is, simply put, that once you assume individualism you must posit social contract to account for the social nature of the individual.
Troll trap alert: Attempts to change the topic to squabbles just to claim winning! will be dismissed.
First, Rousseau shows us that there is a way to break the chains – from within, a somewhat positive view of individualism and social contract.
Several problems with that theory. One, anthropology (i.e., Boehm, Hierarchy in the Forest) tells us what Aristotle claimed, man is and always has been a social animal. Man has never been born free as an individual without society. Two, Rousseau proposes there to go from man's natural state--"he creation of families, the discovery of tools and technology, and the building of cities and social organisations"--to an artificial one, the state as defined by social contract. In short, he proposes tearing down the social order that had always existed and creating a new artificla one based on abstraction and imagination. Three, I will merely touch on the fact that Marx, too, sought to perfect society in the individual....Written in 1762, The Social Contract picks up where his Discourse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men left off, defining natural man as being free and happy and living in the forest. Rousseau explains how man went from this state of autonomy to the modern condition, dominated by inequality, dependency, violence and unhappiness. There were positive aspects to this process too, he admits, including the creation of families, the discovery of tools and technology, and the building of cities and social organisations. Unfortunately, this also gives way to what Rousseau called the "right of the strongest", where a reign of inequality destroys man's original state of happiness and freedom. Humanity becomes alienated, and the Discourse on Inequality ends unhappily in general war.
The Social Contract is an attempt to find a solution to this problem. For Rousseau, because of man's "perfectibility", the passage from a natural state to a social one is both an accident and necessary. Unlike animals, men are programmed to create and progress from one condition to the next. Rousseau discovers a way men can associate themselves with each other while maintaining their own individual freedom inside a social and political organisation. He calls that concept the "general will". Simply put, it is a form of association in which an individual alienates himself completely to the general will, and therefore regains his freedom in a political form....
But let us turn to other criticisms, from Rousseau’s Collectivism:
Note well that both the old natural social order and the new artifical one can be called collectives. The former, however, is organic, while the latter mechanical or technical.“It would be difficult to find anywhere in the history of politics a more powerful and potentially revolutionary doctrine than Rousseau’s theory of the General Will. Power is freedom and freedom is power,” Robert Nisbet argued in his magnum opus, 1953’s Quest for Community.
True freedom consists in the willing subordination of the individual to the whole of the State. If this is not forthcoming, compulsion is necessary; but this merely means that the individual “will be forced to be free.” There is no necessity, once the right State is created, for carving out autonomous spheres of right and liberty for individuals and associations. Because the individual is himself a member of the larger association, despotism is impossible. By accepting the power of the State one is but participating in the General Will. Not without reason has the theory of the General Will been called a theory of permanent revolution.
In private correspondence, Nisbet took his own views even further, claiming Rousseau to have been “the real demon in the modern mind” and “the most malevolent genius of the whole modern era.” Had Rousseau not existed, the famous sociologist continued, there would have been no Lenin, no Stalin, and no Hitler.
...Conservative criticism of Rousseau, though, began over two centuries ago, with Edmund Burke’s public attack on him in 1791, correctly identifying him as the touchstone of the French Revolution.
Every body knows that there is a great dispute amongst their leaders, which of them is the best resemblance to Rousseau. In truth, they all resemble him. His blood they transfuse into their minds and into their manners. Him they study; him they meditate; him they turn over in all the time they can spare from the laborious mischief of the day, or the debauches of the night. Rousseau is their canon of holy writ; in his life he is their canon of Polycletus; he is their standard figure of perfection. To this man and this writer, as a pattern to authors and to Frenchmen, the founderies of Paris are now running for statues, with the kettles of their poor and the bells of their churches.
...While Burke’s attacks on Rousseau might seem excessively personal—and, to some degree, they most certainly were—Rousseau’s political philosophy, to be sure, mimicked his own failures as a father and as a person, while also calling upon the work of Thomas Hobbes and John Locke. Bizarrely, Rousseau combined the authoritarianism of Hobbes with the libertarianism of Locke, thus only freeing man from his own follies and transferring all responsibilities to the collective....
Now those you still enamored of individualism and social contract should read some of Rousseau from his Social Contract. Keep in mind that the social contract is supposed to be liberating.
"In order then that the social compact may not be an empty formula, it tacitly includes the undertaking, which alone can give force to the rest, that whoever refuses to obey the general will shall be compelled to do so by the whole body. This means nothing less than that he will be forced to be free; for this is the condition which, by giving each citizen to his country, secures him against all personal dependence. In this lies the key to the working of the political machine; this alone legitimizes civil undertakings, which, without it, would be absurd, tyrannical, and liable to the most frightful abuses."
The Social Contract, Book 1, Section 7
"What man loses by the social contract is his natural liberty and an unlimited right to everything he tries to get and succeeds in getting; what he gains is civil liberty and the proprietorship of all he possesses. If we are to avoid mistake in weighing one against the other, we must clearly distinguish natural liberty, which is bounded only by the strength of the individual, from civil liberty, which is limited by the general will; and possession, which is merely the effect of force or the right of the first occupier, from property, which can be founded only on a positive title."
The Social Contract, Book 1, Section 8
"The State, in relation to its members, is master of all their goods by the social contract, which, within the State, is the basis of all rights."
The Social Contract, Book 1, Section 9
"If the State is a moral person whose life is in the union of its members, and if the most important of its cares is the care for its own preservation, it must have a universal and compelling force, in order to move and dispose each part as may be most advantageous to the whole. As nature gives each man absolute power over all his members, the social compact gives the body politic absolute power over all its members also; and it is this power which, under the direction of the general will, bears, as I have said, the name of Sovereignty."
The Social Contract, Book 2, Section 4
Is this not a recipe for totalitarianism?
"Man is born free and everywhere he is in chains." "This means nothing less than that he will be forced to be free..."